German election campaign: What role will social media play?

The leaders of Germany’s traditional parties are clearly nervous about the rise of populist parties.
When the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) secured just over 30% of the vote in recent stateelections in Thuringia and Saxony which was attributed in part to the AfD’s effectiveness at reaching first-time voters on TikTok.
Matthias Kettemann, an expert on internet regulation and media law at the University of Innsbruck in Austria argues that it its impossible to say exactly what impact social media has in shaping public opinion and democratic decision-making processes more broadly.
However, what is clear is that more and more people are using social media and that there is a general trend towards polarization, Kettemann says. “The parties on the far-right and far-left tend to do much better on social media because they tend to have easier stories to tell, which in turn foster engagement together with the amplification algorithms of the platforms,” he told DW.
Observers are also wary of the growing influence of the world’s wealthiest man and CEO of the platform X, Elon Musk, who was arguably Trump’s greatest ally in his campaign to become US president. After Germany’s ruling coalition government collapsed on November 6, Musk repeatedly referred to Germany’s center-left leaders as “fools”.
Meanwhile Vice Chancellor and Economy Minister Robert Habeck(Greens) made a surprise comeback to the microblogging platform following a six-year break saying he did not think it was right to leave X to the “loudmouths and populists.”
“The most important problem is disinformation from the top,” says Jörg Hassler, an expert in digital and political communication at Ludwig Maximilian University in Munich. He says that political leaders now focus more on making personal attacks on their competitors or debates on side issues like election dates.
During a debate in the Bundestag on Wednesday, center-right Christian Democrat (CDU) leader Friedrich Merz expressed his disgust at AI-generated fake videos about him that had been circulating online and shared on social media. “The fact that they are being posted and forwarded by Social Democrat (SPD) MPs gives a taste of the kind of election campaign you are obviously prepared to run here in Germany,” Merz said.
“The important issues are how well the economy does, whether people are able to get state welfare and so on, but it appears that politicians aren’t interested in talking about those,” Kettemann told DW.
While the campaign tools developed in the US are subject to strict legal and regulatory limits in Germany, for example through data protection laws and laws around party financing, social media it has become an important part of the hybrid media ecosystem in which information loops between social media and traditional media outlets.
“You can’t win elections on social media, but you can lose them,” says Hassler. He points to the example of Armin Laschet who ran as the CDU candidate for chancellor in the 2021 federal elections. Laschet’s campaign was effectively sunk after he was filmed laughing during a official visit to Rhein-Erft-Kreis, a region of Germany devastated by extreme flooding and outrage spread on X, then called Twitter, using the hashtag “#laschetlacht” (“#laschetlaughs”).
More German citizens said that they mainly follow the news online rather than on television for first time in 2022, as reported in the Reuters Institute annual survey for the Study of Journalism.  According to the Media Study by German public broadcasters ARD and ZDF 2024, only 7% of the German population uses X on a regular basis compared to Instagram (37%) and Facebook (33%) and TikTok (18%).
Another important factor in the upcoming federal elections in Germany, Kettemann says, will be the role of foreign actors who use disinformation operations, for example bot farms and “dark campaigns” on messaging apps like Telegram and WhatsApp to push certain narratives. Germany’s populist AfD and Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW)run on pro-Russia, socially conservative, anti-immigration, anti-climate protection platforms.
“We know for example that Russia much prefers certain political parties in Germany over others. They want to exacerbate the polarization tendencies within German society and that’s a threat we should be keenly aware of in the run-up to the Bundestag elections,” he told DW.
The EU has already introduced a comprehensive set of regulations for social media and digital marketplaces with the Digital Services Act (DSA) that aims to prevent illegal and harmful activities online, as well as the spread of disinformation.
In preliminary findings issued in July, EU regulators found X to be in breach of the DSA, stating that the blue check verification system “deceives users,” that the platform was not in compliance with “required transparency on advertising” and “fails to provide access to its public data to researchers.”
The challenge now will be to implement the legislation, Kettemann says, and that won’t happen in time for the German federal elections in February anyway. “Some platforms like X don’t seem to be cooperating whatsoever with the EU rules, so it will be quite challenging to bring that platform in line with democratic values and EU rules,” he said.
This could be even more difficult in future because the role of Elon Musk is growing in US policy-making, Kettemann fears, after US Vice President-elect JD Vance suggested this week that the US would withdraw support for NATO if the EU tries to regulate Musk’s X.
As more and more voters, especially young voters, are informing themselves about politics and world affairs on social media, Ketterman urges traditional parties to step up their activities on social media platforms, because again they should not leave the field to disinformation actors. “We have to fight the fight,” he said.
Edited by Rina Goldenberg
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